蜜桃交友

By Delphine Allaire 

If the Mediterranean is a cemetery, the desert is a Calvary. In the latest report “,” published by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), the International Organization for Migration (IOM), and the Mixed Migration Centre (MMC), the UNHCR interviewed 32,000 migrants and refugees, who described seeing bodies scattered in the Sahara sands. They confided their fear of dying during the crossing while fleeing their countries, a fatal journey for many. Over 60% of those who reach Libya say they have arrived at their final destination.

Vincent Cochetel, special envoy for the UN agency for the Western and Central Mediterranean, presented the document in Geneva at the beginning of July, and was interviewed by Pope.

Why is crossing the Sahara more dangerous than crossing the Mediterranean?

The first danger migrants and refugees speak of is attacks by criminal gangs that rob them of all their possessions. Women face a higher risk of sexual violence on these routes. There is also violence from smugglers or threats from traffickers: extortion, forced labor, and sometimes sexual exploitation. The dangers also come from border authorities, who abuse their position to extort money from these unfortunate individuals, not just on routes to North Africa or Europe by sea, but also on routes within and to the south of the African continent. They have seen people die in the desert, people who fell from trucks and were not picked up by the smugglers, and sick people abandoned in the middle of nowhere. Most have seen bodies along these roads in southern Algeria, northern Niger, and southern Libya, but also in other parts of the Sahara. When asked, "Do you know anyone who died at sea?" the responses are much fewer. Based on these testimonies, we believe many more people die on land than at sea.

Is the Sahara a "black hole" for NGOs and international institutions?

Absolutely. There are many black holes like this, where very few people have access. For international organizations, it is very difficult to go there due to extreme geographical conditions and because some governments do not want humanitarian organizations to witness this secret and unspoken violence. The phenomenon of deaths in the desert gets much less media coverage because it is less visible than a boat in distress in the Mediterranean. Humanitarian organizations need to find other channels of information: working more with traditional leaders and local authorities, who are witnesses and sometimes victims of these gangs. They need to work on a system for searching, identifying, and referring these people who control small towns and oases along these routes.

What is the profile of migrants attempting to cross the desert? Are their countries of origin changing?

Generally, the profile does not change much. We rely heavily on data provided by States. When migrants and refugees cross the Mediterranean to reach Europe, about one in two people receive asylum or humanitarian protection in Europe. One in two is thus considered in need of international protection. The other generally leaves their country for economic reasons or to study in Europe or elsewhere. In Africa, the situation is more or less the same. Most migrants and refugees remain within Africa. Seventy percent stay in the country next to their own with the intention of returning home when things get better. Recent changes impacting this mobility to North Africa include the Sudan crisis, with more than 10 million displaced, and the war in Mali and Burkina Faso, which has exiled many citizens. Not all head towards North Africa. Many Burkinabé head to Gulf of Guinea countries in West Africa.

After surviving the Sahara's dangers, do they still want to cross the Mediterranean to reach Europe?

In their home country, 21% of the interviewees had a destination in mind, and, regardless of the dangers, were determined to do their best. Seventy-nine percent regretted their choice. If they had known the real risks, they would not have undertaken the journey. Interestingly, for many, Libya is the final destination. Seventy percent of people reach their final destination when they arrive in Libya.

What reception policies are in place in North African countries at the end of the Saharan journey? What violations and abuses have been reported?

The main problem is that while all North African countries have ratified international instruments on refugee protection, whether international or regional, no North African country has asylum laws. Other African countries have asylum systems that function more or less well, which is not the case in North Africa. These countries always claim they are transit countries. But it’s not true. During the pandemic three years ago, we saw all kinds of migrant and refugee communities in North African countries, most working in the informal economy. But without a legal framework, these people have no residency rights. Their situation is very precarious. As soon as incidents occur, because there are frictions in some communities, things can go wrong, like the waves of expulsions from Algeria to Niger, Tunisia to Libya, Algeria, and Libya to other neighboring countries. Mass expulsions are not the solution, as people go to other countries and then leave again.

What protection solutions can be developed to improve assistance on these Saharan routes, and by which actors?

States must agree. No single State can tackle the challenges of better managing these movements on the continent. We need to work on a route-based approach, on the paths people take. Community dynamics are not necessarily the same, so we must also find out who influences them, how they finance their journeys, which program activities have a stabilizing value, where protection needs to be improved, and work on returns. Some people need assistance to return home. A whole range of activities is needed, not just from humanitarian organizations. States must take responsibility for these ground-based solutions, and we must not abandon this obligation of solidarity. First of all, we must save lives, regardless of the status of the people involved, whether they are refugees or migrants. This distinction is important but not in terms of emergency aid. The trafficker does not know if a person is a migrant or a refugee. Europe must also help the countries along these routes to implement protection and assistance mechanisms that provide dignified alternatives to dangerous and irregular journeys. This is somewhat in the spirit of what European States adopted with some African States at the Valletta Summit in 2015.