蜜桃交友

By Roberto Cetera - Ramallah

“Christians represent a very important component of the Palestinian people. Their high educational level, received in your excellent schools, their strong aptitude for entrepreneurship and trade, as well as in the free professions, and their passionate belonging to the fate of our people, make them a key part of the construction and development of a finally free and independent state.”

This tribute to the Christian community begins the conversation Palestinian Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh wanted to grant L”Osservatore Romano in these difficult days. Mr. Shtayyeh, 66 years old, has a background as an economist, has been the governor of the Islamic Development Bank, and Minister of Public Works. He has always been a member of Fatah and has a reputation as a skilled negotiator on behalf of President Mahmoud Abbas.

Since January 2019, he has been the Prime Minister of the State of Palestine.

“Believe me,” he tells L”Osservatore Romano, “it”s not just a tribute, it’s the recognition of an important role that Christians have had in our history. For example, Christian schools have been the center of gravity for many political movements that have arisen in Palestine. Many of our past leaders were Christians. Christians have always represented a prestigious intellectual class within our people. You probably don’t know that, before 1948, for example, an important Catholic daily was published in Jaffa. In our history, there have never been differences between Muslims and Christians, also because the Israeli occupation certainly made no distinctions in persecuting both: Christians too found themselves as refugees after 1948, Christians are also stopped at checkpoints, Christians also endure abuses, Christians also risk their lives due to the arrogance of Israeli soldiers. It’s sad to admit it: we are united by a common destiny.”

The Christian community, however, is losing faithful in Palestine.

Allow me to correct you: I would not speak of the Christian community of Palestine as a distinct entity from the rest. On the contrary, mind you, Christians are the most evident proof of the historical roots of our people in this land, simply because they have inhabited it for 20 centuries. Muslims arrived later. As for your observation, yes, Christians are decreasing. And for this, I feel a responsibility, before the Christians, to the rulers of the United States and Europe who, for a misunderstood sense of solidarity, have made it easier to grant visas and residence permits to young Palestinians. Western governments should rather invest in creating a more livable situation here for young Palestinians. Economically and politically. We invest a lot in education, tolerance, inclusiveness, and pluralism in our society. Think, in terms of a pluralistic society, that we have as many as 17 parties — legal — that participate in the political life of the country.

In this pluralism, the Christian presence stands out, because we say that, compared to the pan-Arab political culture, it is more authentically an interpreter of liberal values, and I consider this an added value for our nation.

The war, this horrible war, will end sooner or later. How do you see the future of Gaza, and what will your role be in that future? So far, Mr. Netanyahu has categorically excluded your involvement, but now, even within the Israeli war cabinet, different positions are beginning to emerge. The Defense Minister, Mr. Gallant, for example, mentioned your possible role in the civil administration of the Strip.

There are many preliminary issues to clarify. First of all, to understand how long Israel intends to stay in Gaza. I fear that in the forecast we must erase the entire year 2024. The second issue is to understand whether Israel intends to annex the north of Gaza and the eastern border, further reducing its territory. Third: how long our people can still resist, being forced by the Israelis into increasingly restricted spaces in the south. The people seem to be resisting for now, and we support them in every way. In particular, through the joint work we are doing with the Egyptians at Rafah, and with humanitarian aid. The same goes for cooperation built with Jordan.

My main concern as Prime Minister of the government of Palestine is not so much the day after Gaza but the today of Gaza. I mean, I believe it is now a priority for Israel to immediately stop the violent aggression against our people. Secondly, that it is possible to let international humanitarian aid enter not only through the Rafah crossing, but also from other entry points, because they can easily reach even the north of the Strip. Then it is absolutely necessary to immediately reconnect electricity and water. One of the lowest points reached by Israel in this conflict was when their energy minister appeared on television while pushing the switch that cut off electricity to the entire Gaza. Not a military action, but a punishment against civilian inhabitants. Restarting these public utilities is preliminary to any negotiation.

Another non-negotiable point for us is that there are about 60,000 injured in Gaza today; it is possible that 10,000 of them may not survive due to lack of care and medicine. Our priority today is to save as many human lives as possible. There are 8,000 people with infectious diseases that are spreading everywhere. A nauseating odor of death pervades the entire Strip. The number of civilians killed, over 22,000 according to the latest counts, has no equal, in percentage terms to the population, with any other war fought in this and the last century. These are the things I think need to be addressed today, before we can talk about the “day after.”

And what about the day after?

First, let me say that there must not be a day after for Gaza. And not even a day after for the West Bank. But a day after for all of Palestine. After October 7, the Palestinian cause has moved from the “fridge” to the “oven”. Before October 7, everyone in the West had forgotten about Palestine and its 5 million inhabitants. Today we are on newspapers and TV every hour. And this constitutes an extraordinary opportunity for the international community to intervene in solving the Palestinian problem. Because so far direct negotiation with Israel has proved a total failure. Since the establishment of the Palestinian Authority in 1994, all our efforts have been directed at building the institutions of a future free and independent Palestinian state. But the mentality of Israeli rulers has proved a curse for our aspirations. Every time we laboriously load the boulder to the top of the hill, it is then thrown down again, and we have to start all over. But this is the Holy Land, and in the Holy Land there cannot be curses. Rather miracles, as you Christians well know. I believe in a political miracle. The miracle that I call “reverse construction”. Let me explain: we have so far built the house from the foundations to the roof. And every time they have destroyed it. Now let”s start by building it from the roof. That is, by formally proclaiming the constitution of a State of Palestine, recognized by the international community. Based on the 1967 borders and with Jerusalem as its capital. This is the roof we will build. The institutional and economic foundations of this State have long been in place. The municipality of Nablus, to give an example, is 100 years older than the constitution of the State of Israel. State institutions, parastatal institutions, private enterprise, non-governmental organizations, are all ready for the task. Do you know, for another example, that at our Ministry of the Interior, 3,339 non-governmental organizations are registered? We have a culture of government that is not improvised.

Palestinian Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh and Roberto Cetera

But from today until the realization of this day after project, who will govern Gaza?

The Palestinian Authority. Who else? Gaza is Palestine. They will not force us to consider Gaza something different from the rest of Palestine. And certainly, we will not return to Gaza through Israeli tanks. In fact, we have never left Gaza. Let me explain. The Palestinian Authority currently has 19,000 policemen in Gaza, who are at home not working because we ordered them not to cooperate with Hamas. We have 18,000 public employees from our various ministries in Gaza. School diplomas, as well as health certifications and passports, of the inhabitants of Gaza, are issued here in Ramallah. The general bills for electricity and water that serve Gaza are paid by the Palestinian Authority. We spend $140 million every month for the citizens of Gaza. That is $1.7 billion a year. We, not Hamas.

Gaza is an integral part of Palestine and we are committed to serving it like every other part of Palestine. The state machinery of Gaza that we have set up and that has been suspended for 17 years is ready to go back into operation tomorrow. We have created a team, supervised by my offices, specifically dedicated to the reconstruction of Gaza. Since October 7, we have allocated $950 million for this purpose. Infrastructure, roads, schools, hospitals. We are ready for the day after.

All this, Prime Minister, however, requires your political consensus in Gaza.

We are a democratic force, so we do not shy away from seeking consensus, through dialogue with all the realities of the Palestinian world. We will not go to Gaza to be involved in other conflicts. But in this dialogue, there must be two firm shared points: the definition of a political agenda and the agreement on which instruments can be used to implement it.

Even with Hamas?

Of course. We talk to everyone. But again, there must be a clear and unambiguous sharing regarding the political agenda and on the tools to implement it, that is, on the instruments of struggle for independence. We do not intend to be dragged by others into a war we do not want. And neither to a one-sided peace. Hamas proposes armed struggle, others propose passive resistance, we propose to define a government work program. Just as when you download an app on your phone you agree to its terms of use, so, I say, if you want to join the Palestinian National Authority you must agree to its program and its tools.

Have you already said this to Hamas?

Yes. Before October 7, all Palestinian components met in Egypt in El Alamein, and we said exactly this. We said that we must find an agreement that allows us to be credible in front of the international community, an agreement that respects the rules of international law, that defines a common work program, and especially having clarity on the tools of struggle to achieve it.

But if this does not materialize, aren”t you afraid that another October 7th could happen in the West Bank?

Yes, definitely. But one should not look at the tree, but at the forest. The forest is Mr. Netanyahu’s political strategy, which aims nothing less than to destroy the two-state solution, which has been in the balance for 30 years now. Israel’s policy has always been to isolate Gaza from the rest of the Palestinian context. In 1987, I remember Mr. Rabin saying he dreamed of seeing Gaza sink into the Mediterranean. Mr. Sharon never wanted Gaza. To Mr. Arafat, they proposed to solve the Palestinian issue by first addressing Gaza, but he intelligently replied, “No, Gaza and Jericho first,” to indicate that the Gaza issue could not be isolated from the rest. Mr. Netanyahu tried to isolate Gaza politically, economically, institutionally, and geographically from Palestine, in a smarter way: using Hamas. How? By paying Hamas. In cash. From some Arab capitals, money arrived at Hamas, with the approval of Israel.

So, do you think Mr. Netanyahu pursued the strengthening of Hamas to demolish what he sees as the real danger: the negotiating ability of the Palestinian National Authority towards the two-state solution?

Exactly. That’s right. Mr. Netanyahu has unscrupulously worked to divide the Palestinian front to prevent the two-state solution. And Hamas fell into the trap. In the West Bank, Mr. Netanyahu’s policy has consisted of progressively appropriating that 62 percent of the territory considered as zone C in the Oslo Accords, illegally and violently occupied by settlers. And in Jerusalem, he pursued the de-Palestinization of the old city and parts of East Jerusalem.

Then there’s the economic war declared against us, which consists of not paying the taxes collected that should be returned to us. With the justification that the money attributed to Gaza must be deducted. So in October, instead of one billion shekels, only 400 million were paid; in November, instead of 700 million shekels, only 183 million were paid. They want to starve the people of Gaza.

Why doesn’t the Palestinian National Authority collect taxes directly and establish its own currency?

Because a state that is not recognized as such would not enjoy the necessary trust to support its own currency. Currencies worldwide are supported by market confidence. How can a non-state like ours ever boast this confidence?

One last question: U.S. President Joe Biden stated that a future of peace necessarily requires a “revitalized” PLO. What does “revitalize” the Palestinian National Authority mean to you?

Thank you for the question, which I am keen to answer. According to the dictionary, to revitalize means to bring back to life something that is in severe distress, lacking vital oxygen. So my question is: who put the Palestinian institutions in distress? Who took away the oxygen? For me, revitalizing means allowing the Palestinian National Authority to work and function according to its aims. Can we perform our institutional functions of respecting law and order, if our police are delegitimized every day by the arrogant and violent presence of Israeli soldiers, who enter our refugee camps spreading fear and blood? Can we perform our functions when 755,000 Jewish settlers illegally live on our lands? Can we guarantee security to our citizens when Israeli minister Ben-Gvir has distributed 27,000 submachine guns to these settlers? We produce 45,000 tons of olive oil each year, but this year we could only produce 5,000 tons because workers were prevented from reaching the fields and harvesting the olives. Are we the ones who need to revitalize? Can an institutional system function without money and with a compromised economy? Talking about revitalizing the Palestinian National Authority then seems like the joke of the year! We revitalize every day by fighting to improve the living conditions of our citizens and our children.

Finally, I would like to tell you an episode that happened to me last summer, before October 7th, when I received a delegation of children from Gaza here in Ramallah. I asked them, “What impressed you the most when you left Gaza for the first time and came here to the West Bank?” And they replied, “The hills! We had never seen them!” That’s why I work and fight every day so that all the children of Gaza can see the hills and all the children of the West Bank can see the sea for the first time.

Working translation from original article published in Italian